/LING
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Lista de candidatos sometidos a examen:
1) suffix (*)
(*) Términos presentes en el nuestro glosario de lingüística
1) Candidate: suffix
Is in goldstandard
1
paper CO_FormayFuncióntxt260 - : In the example 2g, the verb «'e» 'to speak' occurs, reduplicated and with the suffix of imperfective aspect «-m»^[45]^5: «e~'e-m» . In this case, the subject is not morphologically explicit, typical of this aspect, but it can easily be restored in the discursive context, having been cited in the previous statements. This verb is intransitive and does not require a direct object in the form of a phrase or pronominal index in the verb. The topic of the gossip is expressed in a PP: «[[o='it] pe]» 'about my son'. The same occurs with the verb «je-de~de-m» 'to speak meanly of somebody/engine noise', equally reduplicated, with imperfective and intransitive suffix. The target of this 'to speak' is also a PP: «[[wara'at] pe]» 'about another' and «[[pug̃] pe]» 'about one' (example 2h). This last example includes a numeral pronoun as complement of the postposition. Finally, these addressees or targets of gossip appear in postpositional phrases. This is not required syntactically by the verb, but it is
2
paper CO_FormayFuncióntxt260 - : In the example 23b, the postposition «bima» receives the nominalizing suffix «-at», that is reduplicated to indicate plurality: «-ac~at» . In this type of use context, the formed Np functions as equative nominal predicate with the purpose of expressing a characteristic of the subject. It is interesting to highlight that to be used as head of locative and possessive predications, the postpositions do not need to be nominalized.
3
paper CO_FormayFuncióntxt260 - : ^10Another frequent form of expressing the notion of instrument is by means of the casual suffix «-m»: [179][0120-338X-fyf-32-02-109-g080 .gif] This same suffix is present in the participant theme of the verb «taybit» 'to know, to be acquainted' (cf. example 20c). This verb does not have a morphologic slot to co-reference an object, but a non-subject participant always occurs with it.
4
paper CO_Lenguajetxt179 - : Eastern Toba Circumfix: 1sg prefix plus 1pl suffix (1gr) / Circumfix: 1sg prefix plus collective suffix (1g ) [121]R.E. González (2015, [122]2016)
5
paper MX_ElAnuariodeLetrastxt65 - : In her research about the past tense forms from the Quechua Southern Conchucos lands (Ancash, Peru), ^[33]Hintz (2007) finds equivalences between some functions of the narrative structure of both the past tense in Quechua and the past tense in Spanish among the bilingual speakers of Quechua-Spanish. In this work, we analyze a group of not-experienced native speakers’ oral testimonies of Andean Spanish from Northwest Argentina. We seek to find a mutual relation between evidential and affect functions of the Quechua suffix -na: and the use of the pluperfect of Andean Spanish . Our findings show that there is a partial grammar barrowing between the two forms. We envisage also that the pluperfect appears remarkably more often in certain parts of the narrative structure, usually along with one of the decir verb forms as a metadiscursive markers ^[34](Chang, 2018 and ^[35]2019).
6
paper corpusSignostxt500 - : ^[64]Periñán-Pascual (2013) points out that Goldberg’s broad conception of construction in Construction Grammar (CxG) makes it difficult to provide an accurate definition of the term since from her point of view any single lexical item (or even a suffix such as -ed) could be conceived as a construction: “all levels of grammatical analysis involve constructions” (Goldberg, 2006: 5 ). This implies that, within this broad definition, constructions are conceived as the building blocks in linguistic realization. Periñán-Pascual’s conception of construction differs from CxG and is closer to the LCM in the sense that constructions are viewed from a holistic perspective in which the meaning of the construction is always larger than the meaning of the building blocks conforming it. What is more, Periñán-Pascual (2013) shares ^[65]Ruiz de Mendoza-Ibáñez’s (2013) claim that for any linguistic pattern to be regarded as a construction some essential properties have to be met. Thus, the following criteria
Evaluando al candidato suffix:
1) verb: 7 (*)
4) quechua: 3 (*)
6) tense: 3 (*)
9) speak: 3
10) periñán-pascual: 3
11) constructions: 3 (*)
12) reduplicated: 3
suffix
Lengua: eng
Frec: 73
Docs: 30
Nombre propio: / 73 = 0%
Coocurrencias con glosario: 4
Puntaje: 4.791 = (4 + (1+4.70043971814109) / (1+6.20945336562895)));
Candidato aceptado
Referencias bibliográficas encontradas sobre cada término
(Que existan referencias dedicadas a un término es también indicio de terminologicidad.)| suffix |
: Ayoreo Circumfix: 1sg prefix and 1pl suffix (1pl) [140]Ciucci (2016) : Chorote Manjuy Combination of 1sg or 1pl verbal indexes with 2pl suffix (‘You (pl) and I/We do X’) [133]Gerzenstein (1978) : Golluscio, L. 2000. "Rupturing implicature in the Mapudungun verbal system: The suffix -Fï". Journal of Pragmatics 32: 239-263. : Porter, M. F. (1980). An algorithm for suffix stripping. Program, 14, 130-137. : Tapiete, a Tupi-Guaraní language, has a prefix to encode first person inclusive subject (17a), and a circumfix to encode first-person exclusive subject (17b), which is composed of a third person prefix (17c) plus a first-person exclusive suffix (^[184]González, 2005)^[185]^8. : Torner, S. (2013). Suffix -mente adverbs in DAELE, a Spanish learner’s dictionnary. International Journal of Lexicography, 26(4), 469-497. : Tupi-Guaraní (Selection) Tapiete Prefix (1incl) Circumfix: 3sg prefix plus 1excl suffix (1excl) [134]González (2005) : Zamucoan Chamacoco Prefix (1incl) Prefix (1excl) 1incl+greater plural suffix [139]Ciucci (2016) |